4 10 109 https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/37f3a911e3921f015439afd2532fc64a.mp4 cbfeb4019316df6f33a8ee4aca579248 https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/13146d5ecf7c3df7ba9dcc49487acc3d.srt 5387fe6f138ec3500820e9f1b8e38a1d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lectures Description An account of the resource In addition to his Reflections series, the UMW Special Collections and University Archives possessed three recordings of classroom lectures from Dr. James Farmer's Civil Rights Movement class. The James Farmer Project undertook the task of captioning and transcribing these recordings, making them publicly available for the first time. Moving Image A series of visual representations imparting an impression of motion when shown in succession. Examples include animations, movies, television programs, videos, zoetropes, or visual output from a simulation. Duration Length of time involved (seconds, minutes, hours, days, class periods, etc.) 00:32:15 Transcription Any written text transcribed from a sound In the sixties, the Civil Rights Movement was essentially a non-violent group. They had Martin Luther King, who was a dedicated pacifist who had accepted nonviolence not only as a tactic but as a philosophy of life, a way of life in principle. Then there were CORE and SNCC, who accepted it as a tactic which would unite pacifists and non-pacifists around acceptance of nonviolence as a workable tactic. Most of the people who were involved in the movement felt that violence was impossible as an alternative to nonviolence in solving the conflict situation of race relations in the United States. There were other voices, however, that did not agree. There was the Nation of Islam, the so-called Black Muslims, led by Elijah Muhammad, and their chief spokesman, best-known spokesman, that is, was Malcolm X. Now, the Muslims did not preach violence per se, not aggressive violence, but they preached self-defense, and their rhetoric seemed to inspire violence. Malcolm thundered forth from platforms all over the country. Attack no man, but if any man molests you, may Allah bless you. And their packed auditoriums would thunder their approval back at him. Yet they did not attack, they did not use the guns which it was claimed they had gathered together. There were others who were even more outspoken: there was Robert Williams down in North Carolina, who proposed violence as a solution to the problem of race. He was a collector of guns and he had many of them there in his home. His home was said to be an arsenal. I never saw it. He was finally charged with kidnapping of a white couple. As the police were about to move in on him they were allegedly held as hostages. And after he had been so charged he left Monroe, North Carolina and finally left the country by the way of the Canada. There were other voices, many less well known than those, who preached violence. Most of them, however, like Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam, preached only self-defense. CORE, as I indicated earlier, was not a pacifist organization. We did not try to tell our members what to do when they were on their own, off of CORE demonstrations. They pledged themselves to the CORE discipline of non-retaliation and nonviolence while on CORE demonstrations. But if, let us say, a CORE member were walking down the street and were attacked by someone, there was nothing in the CORE discipline that spoke to what that individual ought to do in reply. That was left to him with his conscience and his God, what he did. This came to a head down in Louisiana, Bogalusa, when some of the black men informed me as the head of CORE that they were organizing to defend their homes. They were organizing a group they called The Deacons for Defense and Justice. Deacons because they were all deacons in their church, their churches and they were to defend themselves, they said, against the attacks of the Ku Klux Klan. The Klan had made it a practice in Bogalusa as in many other towns in that and other Deep Southern states of going on night rides. And those night rides involved having a caravan of cars loaded with Klansmen driving through the black section of town and then firing their rifles and other guns into the black homes. The blacks, up until then, had not replied with violence. But the Deacons were pledged to to return fire when the Klan fired. They told me that they were not asking for my permission, because it was not mine to grant them my permission. They were simply informing me, since CORE was very active in the town, as in the whole state of Louisiana, and they wanted me to be aware of it. Well, my response was that when they were on CORE demonstrations they must pledge themselves to the usual CORE discipline and stick to it. When they were off of CORE demonstrations, then they were on their own. Well, the Deacons' self-defense ideology appeared to work. The Klan once rode through the black community, firing into homes, the newly organized Deacons For Defense and Justice members got their guns and returned fire, and the Klan drove rapidly out of that section and did not return. That ended the night ridings in Bogalusa, so far as I know. So the Deacons for Defense and Justice were organized, and there were other similar self defense groups organized throughout Louisiana and other states. Now, there was a mood of violence that was beginning to grow even as early as 1964 in the black community. When I had to leave Plaquemine, Louisiana in the back of a hearse, as I told you in a previous lecture, to escape from a lynch mob, riding in that hearse with me was a young CORE member, and at the end of the ride, as we we arrived safely in New Orleans, he said to me: "Jim, we love you dearly, we'll go with you through hell and high water, but if we ever have to go through a night like that again," that night, the black community had been terrorized by mobs, "we will have hardware with us." And it was awfully hard to argue against that. There were other defectors from the spirit of non-violence. Remember that Stokely Carmichael, who now has the name of Kwame Ture, had in the early sixties, been a dedicated nonviolent activist in SNCC, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, so that H. Rap Brown who was his successor as a national chairman of SNCC, both of them worked in the Deep South and had gotten their heads cracked too many times by billy clubs, and by mobs, and shed too much blood, and finally came to the point where they rejected non-violence and began calling for violence. There were others of less articulateness, feeling a great frustration. Those were poor people in the streets, who were not members of the Civil Rights Movement, not acting in it, not members of any of the organizations. We must remember that the civil rights organizations, up until the March on Washington in August of 1963, were largely middle-class in membership. We recruited chiefly from churches, schools, fraternal and civic organizations social clubs, and from friends of those who were already members. We did very little recruiting from the streets of the ghetto. The March on Washington was thus a middle-class demonstration. While it cut cleanly across racial lines - there were whites as well as blacks in large numbers there, cut across sectional lines - there were Southerners and Northerners, Easterners and Westerners there. It cut across religious lines: there were Protestants, Catholics, and Jews and the spirit was a warm one, of friendliness and brotherhood. But I repeat, it was a middle class demonstration, because the class makeup of the civil rights organizations, as opposed to the black nationalist organizations, The Nation of Islam's or Black Muslims' and a number of others, the civil rights organizations were basically middle class. We realized that in CORE. We have been, throughout our history, from 1942 up until that time in '63, largely a group of means-oriented idealists, standing outside of the black community, working on its behalf, working for it, to elevate, to solve the problems which afflicted it. But we were not really a part of it. We were not in that community. We realized that shortcoming. It was Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam and other groups which were recruiting from the streets of the ghetto. They were recruiting from the prisons, they were recruiting from among dope addicts and prostitutes and others, and they were reclaiming these people. That was one of the very positive things which they accomplished. They were making them strong family people, moral people. They were stressing what is known as the Protestant ethic: working hard and saving money and so forth, but they were recruiting from the streets they were recruiting the poor the untutored, the illiterate and the functionally illiterate. The ones that most of the civil rights organizations had left out. So I'm sure the other organizations recognized this, too. But I sent it directly to all CORE chapters, urging all of our chapters - we had about, oh, 165 at our peak - urging them to establish their offices in the hearts of the ghetto in the middle of Harlem, the middle of Watts, in the middle of the other ghettoes of the large metropolitan areas, and to begin recruiting from the streets, from the young people there from the poor as well, as from our traditional sources of members and most of the chapters responded to that and began recruiting from the streets. Then the class contact of our organization began to change. We found it becoming less middle-class, less dedicated to the means, the method. More dedicated to the end that is freedom at any cost, and freedom by any means necessary. That tenet became a battle cry. It was therefore not surprising when, in the summer of 1964 the buildup of frustration among youngsters in the inner city led to an explosion of violence. First in Harlem, and then in successive summers and purposes, Watts, Hough, which is in Cleveland, Newark, New Kersey, and Detroit, and those riots were followed by riots of larger magnitude in the wake of the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. This was not a planned thing. I don't think any of those summer riots of which you have no doubt read were planned or organized by anyone. There was no strategy involved, no one sat down in a tent or a smoke-filled room and said, "Now let's have a riot, this is the place to start." The frustration was there, the inner cities were a powder keg in the summer when it was hot and people were out on the streets especially since those youngsters were unemployed. There were no job. And they simply ate away at themselves in their bitter frustration and the frustration turned easily into hatred. This was powder keg waiting to be ignited. The spark that ignited it, in just about every case, was an incident of police action, real or alleged police brutality. Let me tell you as briefly as I can of the Harlem riot. And I saw it firsthand, our national headquarters being in Harlem, in New York City, and so I lived in Harlem at the time of the riot. The spark was the shooting of a black youngster, a sixteen-year-old kid, by an off-duty white policeman. It was a group of youngsters who were teasing and playing with the so-called super, a superintendent of a building, really the janitor, a maintenance man. He was watering what lawn there was there and he would spray water at them, and they would run and yell and finally one of them sneaked up behind him, turned the hose on him, sprayed water at him. Then they dropped the hose and ran. An off-duty policeman, who some said had just come out of a bar, witnesses, eyewitnesses, who had his gun with him, as off-duty policemen often do. The off-duty policeman yelled, "Hey!" The youngster was running away and he stopped and was shot. Shot in the back and the revolver was emptied into thekid. The kid was dead. Eyewitness reports, which we got his affidavits, say that the off-duty policeman then walked away from the body and turned it over with his foot. I'm sure that the kid, whose name was Powell, was dead. But I called a press conference, really, well-covered. And I thought this off-duty policeman should be arrested and tried for murder. He thought I had called him a murderer. I'd come pretty close. I consulted with counsel before I'd made that statement. That was as close as I could come, legally. He sued me, but then he withdrew his suit. His suit was worth something like a million dollars, you know, write a check, maybe? [Classroom laughs.] Don't know whatever good it would do. But he withdrew the suit. One night, while this was still a headline, the Powell shooting, I got a call at two o'clock in the morning from the New York CORE office, which was located in the streets of Harlem. CORE said, Jim, get up here fast. Harlem has gone wild. There's kids throwing bottles and bricks through plate glass windows, bottles and bricks are flying everywhere and the cops are shooting like cowboys. I said, "Live bullets?" They repeated, "Live bullets." Ricocheting off buildings. So I went up there, and surely enough, it was the acrid smoke of guns in the air. And occasionally you would hear a bullet whining as it ricocheted off a building. The streets were fairly deserted, and starting up to the CORE office in Harlem, which was on the second floor, over a storefront, I stopped and I saw a bunch of young black men, oh, late teens, early twenties, walking down the street in the direction of the CORE office. Maybe 50 or more of them. Across the street from them, walking in same direction, were equally as many perhaps more city policemen, the so-called tactical police force of New York. The riot squad. With their battle helmets and large clubs, service revolvers and small firearms stropped to the ankles. They walked along, so this appeared to be two armies, eyeing each other as they walked along. One armed with real guns and live ammunition, the other armed with bottles and bricks. I went up the stairs to the CORE office. The kids stopped against the wall on the other side of the street. They stopped in front of the CORE office and the police stopped just across the street from them. I sent one of the young CORE officers downstairs to mingle with the crowd of kids, to find out what they were talking about, what they were planning for their next move. He came back up very quickly. And you want to know what they talked about? They talked about raiding the CORE office. Because they said you have white CORE members up here. And the slogan, in those terrible days, was "Get whitey." I'll stop for a second, saying, hate is contagious. And the hate that had been blazing on the headlines and the television screens of the Deep South, where heads had been bloodied, where fire hoses had been turned on women, rolled out on kids in the Birmingham demonstration, police dogs released on kids, this hate built up a counter-hate, and since the hate that they saw on the tubes, had read in the paper, was white against black, they produced, then, a black hate against white. They said "Get whitey, get whitey," that became the slogan. So then they said "Thought about raiding the CORE office? They've got white CORE members up there." Well I called a quick meeting of the people there to decide what we're gonna do. First of all, I said, we have to get the white women members of the Harlem chapter of CORE out of this CORE office. There could be a conflagration there. Everybody agreed to that, except the white women members, who said, "we're members, too, we'll stay here." But we overruled. But how to do that, with the kids out there at the front door? We decided that what they should do is have me go out as a decoy. I go out to make a speech to the youngsters. And while their attention's on me, then the women we got out with black male escort to one of the CORE cars parked on the street, and taken home. The white men remained in the CORE office, and the black men and black women. I went down, elbowed my way into the middle of the crowd. The kids recognized me from the TV. They said, "You gonna talk to us, Mr. Farmer, you gonna talk to us?" I said, "Yeah I'm gonna speak." They said, "Well, don't tell us about no non-violence. We don't want to hear that blankety-blank! We don't wanna hear that stuff! No non-violence! Well, I began to speak and they booed. Soon they booed very lustily. I spoke louder and the boos grew less loud. Then I began telling them what we were doing down South to fight the segregation there, they booed even more. They didn't care about lunch counters down South or restaurants there, or hotels, what did they care? That didn't put bread on their table or milk in the mouths of their baby sisters or baby brothers, or stop the roof from leaking, or the plumbing from being stopped up, or the rats from biting the babies. What did they care about what was happening in the South? So they booed. Then I shifted, and began talking about what we were doing in the North. The booing stopped, and they listened more. Then suddenly it occurred to me: why, we met yesterday, we had to meet with the deputy mayor, Screvane, Paul Screvane. Mayor Wagner was out of the country, touring Europe, campaigning for reelection. So we met with Screvane. And then they listened. Their ears pricked up. "Then we made this demand, and this demand, and that demand." Then they began to applaud, at last I had them going along with me and that we will not stop until we get an answer from Screvane. On that, yes, they applauded. And I said, "We will keep it up until we win." Out of the corner of my eye, then, I saw the window of a car roll down and a microphone was stuck out. The next day, on the radio station, every hour, on the hour, they played that brief tape. "CORE Director Farmer, addressing rioters in Harlem." "We will keep at it until we win!" [Laughter in classroom.] "Keep at it until we win." Well, I said that there's only one thing you can do to help. "What is it, Mr. Farmer, what can we do to help?" I said, "Get off the streets and go home." They shouted in unison, "No, we'll go home when them stormtroopers go home. They stay, we stay. They go, we go." Well, another plan came to me. That was a high ideal. Someone whispered, suggested in my ear, and I said, "Cool." "All right, line up behind me, let's march." My plan was to try to turn a disorderly riot into an orderly peaceful demonstration. Best trick you can do. But it was a drastic attempt. They lined up, said, "You wanna lead us, Mr. Farmer, you wanna lead us?" I said, "Yes, I'll lead you. Line up behind me. Line up in twos!" Then I sent a young CORE member across the street to tell the police what we were doing. They'll go tell them what the plan was. We were going to walk into the encroaching tide and try to get them to disperse. Tell them, 'if we pass by the house, drop your weapon and go home." And we started marching. "We want justice, we want justice, we want justice." They were watching. One fellow said, "How many blacks there? Get back and scare them." "We want justice." Wherever we skipped, it seemed to be working. When we turned up to go further north in Harlem, Amsterdam Avenue, Several dropped out, went into those tenement slums. Those walkouts, those vast buildings. We continued to walk. And the police, the tactical force, came up behind us and began shooting guns. The marchers dropped to the ground, dashed behind cars for cover. I almost fought them, I was scared, too. Because bullets were falling on buildings and gliding through the air. They were shooting rooftops and windows. I went to, walked up toward one, to the lieutenant. And four of these kids, kids, I say, nineteen or twenty, surrounded me. These were so called 'young punks.' The underclass. Who people say had no feeling, no compassion. No humanity at all. No remorse. They say they'd put a knife in you as quickly as a butcher would in a side of beef. These four kids came up to me. One stood in front, one on each side, one behind. Shielding my body with their bodies. Covering my head with their hands, trying to protect my head from the flying bullets. Those kids have no feeling, no human feeling? That obviously was not true. They walked with me, this little rank of four around me, as we walked to the lieutenant. We said, "Why did you start shooting?" He said, "You tell those people to stop throwing bottles and bricks at us!" "I didn't hear anybody throwing bottles and bricks until you started shooting." "You tell them to stop throwing bottles and bricks." There probably was... someone from a rooftop threw a bottle. Or a brick. And the tactical police force, not being as well-trained as they were supposed to have been, panicked and opened fire with their small firearms, emptied them, refilled, opened fire again. Well obviously there was no more I could do to stop the riot I went to the CORE office and there we got out some CORE arm bands, orange armbands with C.O.R.E. in blue. Put them on CORE staff members, send them out on the street's stretches to bring in wounded. And there were a lot of wounded. People lying in the gutters, on streets. Wounded from bullets and wounded from blows, billy clubs. And if nurses couldn't bandage them up, they were sent to Harlem hospital. Well, this went on for a couple of more nights, and then it was ended, it died down. I stood there in that room, looking out the window and through the blinds. Hating the hate which I saw, and the hate that had produced it. One youngster who had been brought in on a stretcher, his head bloody, put on the stretcher and one of the white CORE members went over to wash it off to begin to begin the process of bandaging him up. Finally he opened his eyes, looked at him, jumped up and yelled, "What's wrong with - what you got this whitey here for? What's - what are you doing here?" "I thought you trying to help us!" I said, "I am. He's here to help you." "Old whitey can't help us!" The kid, with the blood still streaming down his head, ran back down the stairs. Hate produces hate. It is contagious. Somewhere we have to stop that, it is certain. And that's what the movement was about, too. That's what King was about, and that was the importance of King, I guess. He preached a message of love. The riots ran their course. People soon realized the stupidity of it. Tearing down their own buildings and their own homes and creating a mess without resolving the conflict. But one message was clear, and that was that we would neglect and ignore the poor in our communities at our own peril. The movement then moved more forthrightly than ever before to bring into its midst those who were poor, even the illiterate. And hence the maximum feasible participation of them, of the anti-poverty program which came to be. I think the movement's about to rise again. Frankly I do. I've been encouraged by the demonstrations in front of the South African ministry, the embassy, with the extent to which college students all over the country have involved themselves in, white and black. Where would you expect black students when white students have gone off here and gone to jail. Mary Washington students in jail. In front of the embassy. University students all over the country, they're involved in seeking to get their institutions to divest themselves of investments in South Africa. Now we find more students volunteering to go down to Alabama, and participate in attempts to get more blacks registered and voting in the election, which is in process. Now, that is the dedication of Freedom Summer. 1964. So I would predict that before this decade of the eighties is over, there will be a rebirth of the movement, and a rebirth of the compassion exemplified by the era of Kennedy and King. Thank you. [Applause.] Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Farmer Lecture: Militant Resistance and the Harlem Riots Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource James Farmer Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Special Collections and University Archives at the University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1986-03-06 Description An account of the resource Recording of a lecture from James Farmer’s The Civil Rights Movement in the 20th Century class, Titled 'Lecture 040' in UMW Special Collections. Farmer discusses the nonviolence philosophy in the dominant Civil Rights Movement (0:00), more militant organizations (00:58), the distinction between nonviolence and pacifism (3:00), one case of the successful use of self-defensive violence (3:40), and notable detractors from the philosophy of nonviolence (7:05). He then discusses the nonviolent Civil Rights Movement’s lack of attention to the lower classes (8:00). He connects class to the rise of rioting in inner cities in the mid-sixties (12:43) and goes on to describe his personal experience in witnessing the 1965 Harlem riot (14:37). Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Hist 428 Spring 2020 Classroom Education James Farmer Lecture Video https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/73eb317a375a4fd7af952be1b277e582.mp4 efc8802a096304fdd393767bfc5db4ec https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/723bcb60ea562bca1f2a96d9d84781ef.srt 1de80ac015f564be15cbfcd7d3058277 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lectures Description An account of the resource In addition to his Reflections series, the UMW Special Collections and University Archives possessed three recordings of classroom lectures from Dr. James Farmer's Civil Rights Movement class. The James Farmer Project undertook the task of captioning and transcribing these recordings, making them publicly available for the first time. Moving Image A series of visual representations imparting an impression of motion when shown in succession. Examples include animations, movies, television programs, videos, zoetropes, or visual output from a simulation. Duration Length of time involved (seconds, minutes, hours, days, class periods, etc.) 53:54 Transcription Any written text transcribed from a sound This climb, and part of that climb is catalogued in Booker T. Washington's autobiography Up from Slavery, which by the way you should read, if you have not read. Washington is a controversial figure, but indeed most of the important persons and personages in the struggle have been controversial. He's considered far too moderate and too accommodating, but Booker Washington was born in slavery. He was just a few years old, a small boy, in the time of emancipation. And as often happens when people are born during torrential times, they grow up early. They grow up fast, and he became a man quite early, matured soon, quickly. By the time he was twenty, he had already started, had founded a college, a school, an institution which became Tuskeegee Institute in Alabama, and that became his life's work, really, his idea of the kind of education which blacks should undertake as their road toward freedom if not toward equality, their road toward advancement, and that was at once his strength and his weakness. Booker Washington argued that we should cast down our buckets where we were. We should not attempt to become the social equals of whites. He was opposed to social equality and this endeared him to whites, even, indeed, to white Southerners. His famous speech, which I trust you'll have an opportunity to read during the rest of your college career, was his speech in Atlanta. It must have been before the turn of the century, probably around 1890. And that was a speech at a crowded convention hall of people involved in the cotton industry. There were both blacks and whites in the audience, but they were thoroughly segregated. Blacks were over there in one little roped-off section, sitting quietly. Most of the people there were, of course, white. They were planters and large landowners of the great cotton industry. Booker Washington had been invited to speak because his views were those which most of the white Southerners would accept. He was not threatening to it. He was a good speaker, so they tell me, I never had the opportunity to hear him. He was dead before I was conscious of what was going on in the world, and there he electrified his audience - told a nation of blacks, and looked to the section where blacks were seated, to cast down their buckets where they were, the water was good there. And they should seek industrial education. Vocational education, that is. He spoke out against social equality. He said we can be as separate as the fingers on the hand in all things social, but then in all matters of mutual concern and patriotism, we will come together like the fist. And his audience stood and applauded - that is, the whites, who were the bulk of the audience. They stood and they applauded, gave a standing ovation that went on for many many minutes and his speech was interrupted many times with such ovation. And some of the blacks were weeping. Just dabbing their eyes with handkerchiefs, probably not really knowing why they were crying. Maybe crying partly because here was a black spokesman who was speaking to a large white audience and they were listening to him. Maybe they were not sure what he was saying, but somehow the whites in their audience felt it was good. Or they, the whites, were not threatened by what Booker T. Washington was saying. He then became the darling of Southern whites and, indeed, many Northern whites. Philanthropic money poured into Tuskegee Institute and it mushroomed in size. This became the symbol of industrial education and vocational education for blacks. It is the same idea, by the way, which led to the birth of Hampton Institute in Virginia. They're the same kinds of institutions. Booker Washington was lionized all over the country. Presidents invited him to the White House to consult with them. He was the only black spokesman who had the ear of the nation, and the ear of the press especially. He had detractors, especially black, and his chief detractor was a brilliant, aristocratic, then-young black intellectual and scholar: Dr. William Edward Burghardt Du Bois. The first black to get a PhD from Harvard University. Dr. Du Bois was born up in Massachussetts, in Great Barrington, Massachusetts. Probably, this family was the only black family in that little town of Great Barrington. He had a brilliant academic record in elementary school and high school. Then he went to Fisk University, a black university in Nashville Tennessee, and that was his first introduction to the race problem, and he observed it and studied it. Then he went up to Harvard, PhD in history, studied sociology and economics as well, then went over to Germany and studied in, studied at Oxford and came back as the most learned black man of the nation had yet seen. He was just a few years younger than Booker T. Washington. And when Washington made that great Atlanta speech of his, Du Bois immediately labeled it the "Atlanta Compromise." And then the debate was on, and the debate between Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois raged across the country, with Du Bois arguing that he would reject the notion that blacks should be pointed to industrial education and vocational education exclusively. That he was opposed to the development of a permanent color labor caste, with black people working with their hands and white people working with their brains. Instead, he says blacks should go do academic feats as well, and should become scholars, and the talented tenth of the black community should be the black leaders. And those should soak up as much education as they could in all fields of Arts and Letters, and that was the argument between Du Bois and Booker T. Washington. Actually, the press picked it up and made it a question of either/or, either this or that, when really what each one was saying is that his view was that the emphasis be on one kind of education as opposed to the other. Later in DuBois's life, as he was an old man, he pointed out quite candidly that he and Booker Washington were not as far apart as they'd been made to appear. That it was just a matter of emphasis. He of course believed in vocational education, but he believed that we needed at that time in our history to concentrate more on academic education. And Booker Washington believed on the contrary that we should concentrate more on vocational education. Washington was an accommodationist; he felt that he was not going to attack segregated education at all. He was not attacking the unequal status of the races in this country. He felt that theonly way blacks, or Negroes as they were called then, could survive was to accept their role of social inferiors and become the best that they could at whatever jobs were available to them, and if they became so good at those jobs which were available, then the nation would rely upon them, would need them. And furthermore there would be no conflict with the whites because they would not be threatening to the whites. And Du Bois insisted we must be threatening to them, of course, because anything that they have, we too must aspire to. And we must seek social equality, we will seek all things that are available to any other American because we are American citizens. Well, Du Bois, who would seem like an egalitarian, really was not an egalitarian, he was a snob and an aristocrat and an elitist. I'll never forget meeting him for the first time. Well, meeting is hardly the right word. Seeing him and accosting him, more like it. I was 21, and this is 1941, December, right after Pearl Harbor. I was seated in Union Station, the railroad station in Washington DC, just arrived there by train, and before going to my parents' house I had decided to sit there at the station for a while until there were taxis available. The taxis were taken up with men in uniform and their lovers, their girlfriends, their wives, or what have you. Everyone was standing there holding everybody else and people crying kissing and so on and the taxis were all clogged up, and the streets were clogged up, too - so I sat just to wait this out out a while, and I suddenly looked up and here was this unmistakable figure. A short man, meticulously attired in a three-piece suit, and he had on spats - you know what spats are? They go over your shoes, you know, part of your shoes, they cover the place where your shoes and socks come together. He had on spats, he had a gold chain in his vest, and he had a little Van Dyke beard. His head was bald, he walked along with his hands folded behind his back, and looking up as though he was studying the scenery or lost in thought. It was probably the latter. And he walked down the street with measured steps. Immediately, I recognized him as Dr. William Edward Burghardt Du Bois. So I smiled, stood in his pathway, and said, "Doctor Du Bois!" and extended my hand. He paused, frowned a bit, reached in his pocket and got his pince-nez. Clipped them on his nose, looked up at me and said, "Let me see. Do I know you?" I shook my head and said no and sat back down. And Du Bois walked on. So that was Du Bois. He was fond of people, but not often. But a great scholar. He wrote his own, I guess, 15 books or so. There are good ones, there are great ones, they are all solid scholarship. One of his best-known works of scholarship with a history of the Reconstruction period entitled Black Reconstruction. It's a massive book. His most famous book is beautifully, artistically written, almost prose poetry. It was one that he wrote as a very young man at the turn of the century, 1903, I believe. The Souls of Black Folk. That's a classic, an undying classic. And you should read if you have not read it. He wrote many other books - Dusk of Dawn, et cetera. Booker Washington pretty nearly controlled money that came into the black community. Before any person receives any cash, any black person receives a grant for any idea that he had from government or philanthropy, Booker T Washington was consulted, and if he said no, that person did not get money. If he said yes, the person did get the money and he built what was called the Tuskegee Machine. That was the machine that dominated the black experience and black leadership for a long period of time. Du Bois suffered from that, and yet he was able to start the Niagara movement and attempted building a protest organization which lasted, oh, just two or three years until the NAACP was set up. And Dubois was one of the originators of the NAACP, that was 1909, and he became editor of the NAACP's publication, Crisis Magazine. Finally, Du Bois was kicked out of that job, he was fired and forced to resign because the NAACP had an official position on an issue and Du Bois was not interested in what the official position of the NAACP was. He was only interested in what his official position was. And so, frequently, the Crisis Magazine took the position which was opposed to that of the organization, and the Crisis Magazine was the official publication of the organization. So, the Board of Directors of the NAACP decided that the official journal of the organization could not take a position that is diametrically opposed to that of the organization. So Du Bois just had to leave, and went down to Atlanta University, that great complex of black colleges and universities - Clark College, Morehouse, Spellman, et cetera. There in Atlanta, called the Athens of black education and was a professor there, and a researcher, until the president of Atlanta University, who was also black, had to get rid of him. It had come to the point where it had to be decided whether he, the president, was going to run Atlanta University, or Dr. Dubois, one of his professors, was going to run it. The Board of Trustees decided the president would run it, so DuBois left again and he moved from job to job in academia and wrote books and lectured around the country but contended that, as he put it, he would constantly assail the ears of the nation with the story of how the strong restores the Negro. And he did that, from platform and with pen. He was radical, and in his later years he was accused of being a communist in the McCarthy period. You are familiar with the McCarthy period, are you? Of the early fifties, Joe McCarthy, who made it a practice of calling people communists, without proof usually. "Within the State Department there are 568 communists!" During that period, Dr. DuBois was charged with being a communist and was finally arrested in New York, handcuffed, his imminence got, Great Scott, great thick ones, handcuffs him on and charged with being an unregistered agent of a foreign power. Can you imagine handcuffs on this little man? You've gotta shoot somebody. This picture was on the front page of the New York Times and DuBois, of course, was just outraged. He was an old man then when he got out of jail, and he called a press conference on his 80th birthday. And said to the press: "Gentlemen, I have called you here to help me celebrate my 80th birthday. I'm going to celebrate that birthday by giving up my citizenship in the United States of America and moving to Ghana, in West Africa, where at the invitation of Ghanian President Kwame Nkrumah, I shall undertake the task of preparing an encyclopedia of Africa. He said, that's the first way I'm asking you to join with me in celebrating my 80th birthday. The second: I want to announce to you, and I'm sure you'll be pleased to hear this, that I am so puzzled by the fear that strikes at the hearts of most Americans when they hear the word 'communism'. The fear that put handcuffs on me and put me in jail. I cannot understand why that is so. In order to find out, I have today, on my 80th birthday, joined the Communist Party." So he said, "I ask you to join with me in celebrating my 80th birthday." Well, it was quite a raucous press conference, I'm told. One reporter said, "Dr. Dubois, one question." "Yes?" "Isn't it a bit pretentious of you to undertake the preparation of an encyclopedia of Africa, a massive job, at the age of 80?" Du Bois shot back, "That is a pigheaded question." He said, "As long as there is a breath in my body, I will continue working and fighting and speaking and writing and teaching what I believe to be right." Well, he died in Africa. The encyclopedia of Africa was never finished. He died in 1963 on the eve of the March on Washington, and that was announced at the March on Washington that W.E.B. Du Bois had died. One of the great tragedies in the cycle of tragedy of his life, whole life, is that is he now lies in the virtually unmarked and unkept little grave. I was talking to a friend a personal friend who was in Ghana very recently, the friend being a tourist with his camera, and he was across the field looking for a certain castle and he stumbled suddenly, fell to the ground, got up and found he had stumbled over the headstone, the grave of Dr. William Edward Burghardt Du Bois. Grown with weeds around him. That's most unfortunate, because he was really one of the greatest men that America has produced, I think. In spite of all the warts and the blemishes, he was a fine scholar. Those were truly great men who set the framework for the struggles that were following. The NAACP continued its work of fighting against lynching, trying vainly, it is true, to get anti-lynching legislation. By the turn of the century, there were at least two recorded lynchings per week, more than a hundred per year. There were many others that were not recorded. The NAACP fought unsuccessfully to get such legislation, federal legislation. The thing which served as their greatest obstacle was the concept of states' rights. Many in Congress held that they include not telling the states how to deal with such a problem. As mentioned, that was a matter for the states, and if the federal government tried to establish such a law, it would be a violation of the rights of the states. When lynching did decline around about the forties, many believed that it probably did not decline in numbers but it went underground, as it were. Rather than having screaming mobs abducting the accused and stringing him up to a tree or tying to a post and setting fire to him, the person would simply disappear in the dark of night and the body was found later, maybe much later, floating in one of the rivers, the Mississippi or Alabama. It was nonetheless lynching, but did not fit the classic mold of lynching. But it did decline, it declined gradually. One of the last highly publicized lynchings was that of Emmett Till, young Emmett Till of Chicago.A 14 year old kid who went down to Mississippi to visit his uncle. A fourteen year old Chicago boy, with I think his cousin, went shopping at a country store. And the fourteen year old kid, swaggering like many fourteen-year-old boys, wanted to impress his cousin with the fact that he wasn't afraid of anything. He looked at the lady behind the counter in the country store and whistled at her and, allegedly, rolled his eyes. Whistled. [Whistles]. Well, she reported that to her husband, and her husband and his brother went to the house of the kid's uncle, where he was visiting, at night and took the boy out of bed and killed him, beat him up, shot him, tied weights around his body and dumped him in the river. The wire rope with which the weights were tied around him broke, and the body surfaced and was found. That was one of the last highly publicized lynchings. There are others, the Klan has been revitalized recently, but the NAACP put enormous work in slowing down lynchings, reducing the numbers of them, and it was on the forefronts of other fronts, too. One of the most significant was, of course, its efforts to desegregate the school. At first it was a battle to equalize separate schools, the separate but equal concept, Plessy versus Ferguson. And finally it became clear that separate could not be equal. In fact, the NAACP argued before the court, said that the very fact of separateness made it unequal. The court agreed even though a law school would just state the bill for blacks might objectively be equal to that for whites, in terms of this library, in terms of its professors' training and preparation, in terms of the building's physical plan, it could not possibly provide an equal education because it could not provide the tradition. It could not provide the privilege to its graduates of being alumni of the same institution from which the judge had graduated. The graduates could not go into the judge's chambers and talk to him about old times at the Alma Mater, and they could not compare notes with peers in this profession or from major law schools in the country. And for that reason the separate law schools, though physically equal, could not provide an equal education. So the NAACP evolved in its arguing to the point where it argued that segregation was first stage inequality, and they won in Brown Vs. Topeka Board of Education. Well, prior to that decision, back in the forties, a group of young pacifists, black and white, including me, were studying Ghandi and experimenting with Ghandian techniques of non-violent direct action, nonviolent resistance, including non-cooperation, civil disobedience, willingness to go to jail, willingness to accept the consequences, and we were having sit-ins in 1942, 43, and throughout the forties. That was in an organization known as CORE, The Congress of Racial Equality. We organized similar groups in twelve or fifteen other Northern cities, organized a national organization, and throughout the forties and the fifties CORE was active and winning victories, but they were unsung because there was no television in the forties, the early days. Forties. Television came after World War II, and did not become widespread in use until the fifties. So the movement of nonviolent direct action did not take to the skies, did not take wing, until the Montgomery Bus Boycott triggered by Rosa Parks, this black seamstress, who was tired. She wasn't a crusader, she wasn't trying to start a movement, she wasn't a troublemaker, she was just tired. And she didn't sit at the front of the bus, the Montgomery City Bus, she sat in the back where she was supposed to be. Then a white man got on the bus and the bus was crowded, and he wanted to sit where she was sitting, so he told her to get up and stand so he could sit down where she was sitting. She said no, I'm not getting up. She was tired of getting up. The bus driver told her to get up. She said no. So the police carted her off and arrested her and that started the movement, the Montgomery Bus Boycott. And Martin Luther King, Jr. rose to the occasion and burst upon the American scene never to be forgotten. A star was born, as it were. And the movement took wing, the imagination of people was captured, throughout the country, all over the world. Youngsters, young black college students inspired by the example of King and having talked with a white merchant in Greensboro, many people are not aware of this. A white merchant, name of Johns, I forget his first name, who had been on the CORE mailing list for quite a few years. He knew of CORE activities. Johns had been trying to get some some students in Greensboro, some black students, to sit in at a Woolworth lunch counter for years. No, no, no. Was the guy crazy or something? But finally, he convinced four freshmen: that's generally not known, but he convinced them. These four freshmen went downtown and made their other purchases in Woolworth's. "Are you ready, man?" "Yeah." "Let's go and get some coffee." The others said, "Dig it." They went over, they, they sat down, they sat not at the end of the lunch counter where blacks traditionally sat where there's a sign saying "Colored," but at the main section of the lunch counter, where there was a sign saying "White Only." They sat there and asked for coffee or whatever it was, a hot dog, and they sat until the place closed and they decided to do it again next day. They called on Dr. Simpkins, a black dentist who was the president of the local branch of the NAACP, for help. And he called CORE because he too knew CORE's work. He called CORE's headquarters in New York and CORE sent one of its two teen secretaries down there and said that he set up an institute to train in nonviolent direct action but the students joined in the city. By this time, the TV cameras were there. The next day, the next day, and the next day. And the crowds of people going to sit in that lunch counter grew, white students in Greensboro joined them. Finally there's no place for anybody else at Woolworth! Everybody there was waiting to sit in at the lunch counter! There were dozens and finally hundreds waiting to sit in at the lunch counter. Oh, it was up and running, and since this was on TV, other black college students throughout the South saw it on the tube and said "Hey, man, look what our brothers and sisters are doing there in Greensboro. What's wrong with us? Let's do it here." And they did. It spread, of course, like the birth of a wildfire. What really broke the camel's back, the camel of segregation at the lunch counter, was the nationwide boycott of the variety stores in support of the Southern students' efforts to be desegregated at the lunch counter. And that brought them to their knees, and they desegregated. Woolworth, in its annual report the following year, reported that the curve of profits had gone down in 1960. They didn't lose money, but the curve, which had been up, that fallen down. And they gave the first reason for that to the nationwide boycott of their stores in support of the desegregation efforts at the lunch counters in Southern stores. Well, the next year I should point out that SNCC was organized out of the southern student cities. SNCC was not really an organization, it was set up to be a temporary thing. In fact, that was its first name: the Temporary Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. Finally, they dropped the T and it was just SNCC. And the press gave it the nickname "snick," S-N-C-C. I think they had their tone of the cheek when they called it "snick", like "snake." And SNCC began calling SCLC "slick", to show them what they thought of it. There's a tension between the two organizations that were SNCC and SCLC. 1961: the Freedom Rides. I won't go into details on that, but what started out to be a lonely little idealistic ride of 13 people, roughly half-white, half-black, and the process in which one man so badly beaten he had stroke and had been confined to a wheelchair - ever since that day in May 1961, still in a wheelchair. Another man, also white, was so brutally beaten, he had to have 56 stitches taken in his head, and partly as a result of that beating, I think, he has suffered a series of strokes and is now in a nursing home in very bad shape. Those two men, incidentally, have sued the FBI successfully, because we learned that I sent copies of our itinerary to the president, the Attorney General, the FBI, the ICC, Greyhound, and Trailways before the ride began. The FBI gave these copies of our itinerary to law enforcement offices in the state of Alabama whom they knew to be leaders of the Ku Klux Klan. As a result, the Klan had a warm reception for us at every stop in that state, and on the basis of that knowledge, which we gained from Senate hearings, they sued successfully, and I don't know how much money they got. One of the men sued for two million and the other sued for one million. They didn't get anything like that, but they got a nominal amount for damages. We were victorious. This little group could go no further when some SNCC students joined by CORE students picked up the Freedom Ride in Birmingham, and I rode with them from Montgomery and to Jackson and to Jackson Jail. We filled up the jails of Jackson City, the Hinds County jail, the Hinds County Prison, then the maximum security unit to the State Penitentiary at Parchman in Misssissippi. Well, we were staying in as long as we could, and still filed appeals. That was 40 days of Mississippi law out of the one year sentence. Every day, some new Freedom Riders coming in on virtually every bus, so many more were pouring in. As few bailed out, more poured in. And we won. Missisippi called on the federal government to do something. And Kennedy, Bobby Kennedy as the attorney general, asked the ICC to issue an executive order which he then enforced. The ICC issued an order that on November 1st, 61 all "For Colored" and "for white" signs must come down from the buses and the terminals used by interstate passengers, and would be replaced by signs saying "segregation by race induced in these facilities is unconstitutional. Violation subject to fine and/or imprisonment." This must be posted on all buses used by interstate passengers and all bus terminals similarly used. And printed on all tickets for interstate passengers. We tested the enforcement of that order on the effective date, November 1st, and it was enforced. It was completely successful. The ride was an absolute success. Won its objective. The movement of the early sixties won its objective too, its objectives, which were legislative. The Civil Rights Act of 64 and the Voting Rights Act of 65, the two major legislative components of the movement of the sixties, the Civil Rights Movement of the sixties. What we did in the 60s was not to eliminate racism There is still a lot of racism in this country. What we did was to regulate practices, behavior, by the enactment of those laws. Since the prejudice is still there. They threaten to pop out at any time. Whenever the enforcement becomes lax, they bubble up to the top, out a game or when those with the strongest prejudices find a loophole or ways to maneuver around the laws, they do that. And so eternal vigilance is called for. But now, today, our problems are even greater than that. We've got to close the gaps, the gaps in education. We still have kids in the ghettoes and barrios of our cities graduate from high school functionally illiterate, only a reader to a fourth or fifth grade level. Outrageous. Gaps in income, median average income of blacks, Hispanics, Native Americans less than sixty percent of the median income of whites. Health, infant mortality rate, of those nonwhite minority groups, more than twice as high, in some cases much much more than the national average. And the life expectancy gap is widening among males. Worse than that, the life expectancy of the black male has dropped in the past few years, dropped from 64 to 61. We die down before we collect social security. We don't know all the reasons for that, but we can speculate. Part of it's success. More of us have moved into the middle class as a result of the efforts of the Civil Rights Movement, the 60s. New jobs, untraditional jobs move in without the preparation and training for those jobs as we work all the harder trying to keep the guy behind you from getting your job, and trying to get the job of the guy in front you. You know, legal records. The system. And hypertension goes up. Oh, the hypertension rate is much higher in the black community. It's gone up remarkably. So there's been a great rise, rapid rise in strokes and the heart attacks. The cancer rate has gone up too, maybe it's because some of us smoke too much. And the suicide rate has gone up. That too is a part of success people who are in the rat race tend to commit suicide. Not the bottom of the ladder. I remember Dick Gregory back in 1961, and in the Q&A period someone said, "Well, Mr. Gregory, if things are as bad as you say they are black people, quite a little more of you commit suicide, why don't you kill yourself?" Dick said, "Two things: one, we have to spend so much time and energy trying to keep people from killing us, we don't have time to think about killing ourselves. And second," he said, "do you ever hear of a cat jumping up out of a basement window?" I thought that was very perceptive. It's the person who has moved up on the ladder that jumps down to bash his brains out. The guy who's at the bottom can't go any lower, so he doesn't commit suicide, he spends his energy trying to keep alive. One of the other reasons, however, the treatment in the mid 60's to the mid 70's of soul food, which is just Southern food, really, and it's it's greasy fried food and that may taste awfully good, but it's not awfully good for you. There's a lot of cholesterol and a lot of fat and everything else, and we tend to use a lot of seasoning, a lot of salt and other kinds of seasoning which aren't particularly good for you. So there are many reasons for it, but the life expectancy of the black male has dropped. There are indications that the drop has not hit rock bottom yet. Then, finally, we have become painfully aware, that awareness has become a national issue now, of deterioration within certain segments of the black community of the black family. I hasten to say 'certain segments' because one of the errors of much of the publicity of this issue is that it gives the impression that that is THE black family. It is not THE black family. It is a portion of the black family. It is a large portion of the black family of the lower economic classes, but not of the middle classes. The middle-class black family adheres with greater tenacity to the same values that the white family respectfully adheres to. Just about the same as the white middle-class family, but more so. In a way it's an adaption, you might say an imitation, and like most imitations it exceeds the prototype. We get the impression from some of the stories and documentaries that that is the black family. But yet it is of great enough magnitude that we must give time and attention to finding a solution. Nor is the problem of teenage pregnancies a 'color problem' exclusively. Teenage pregnancies are in the white community and the rate of them has been going up. There are one-parent households in the white community, and their rate has been going up, too, not as rapidly as in the black community, but remember that poverty is not as widespread in the white community as in the black community. There is more correlation between poverty and those problems than there is between race and those problems. Yet since they affect those of color, civil rights advocates and leaders must now give major attention to them, otherwise they would be derelict of their duties. Well, now that's kind of a running summary hopscotch, skip, jump over what we've been talking about, or haven't been talking about, or should have been talking about over the past semester. And I conclude by saying that I've enjoyed immensely and have found your questions and comments to be stimulating. Most of you are lower-class, lower class for students. I have to keep reminding myself of that. So I look forward to a great future for you, not only in academia but in life after academia. And indeed, there is life after academia. Thank you. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Farmer Lecture: Overviewing the Civil Rights Movement Description An account of the resource Recording of a lecture from James Farmer’s The Civil Rights Movement in the 20th Century class. Farmer discusses Booker T. Washington (00:00), W.E.B. DuBois (06:55), the struggle against lynching (25:11), the desegregation of schools (29:08), the early days of CORE (31:20), the Montgomery Bus Boycott (32:39), the Greensboro sit-ins and ensuing nationwide movement (34:23), the formation of SNCC (38:38), the Freedom Rides (31:39), and the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts (44:06). Farmer then moves to discuss the continuing struggle against racism (44:32). He addresses continuing racial disparities in education, income, health, and family structure (45:32). Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource James Farmer Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Special Collections and University Archives at the University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Undated Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource .mov Language A language of the resource English Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Hist 428 Spring 2020 Classroom Education James Farmer Lecture Video https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/108f2bf373842c977f651bcc46d98d5c.jpg 714f3c4377d178efd230dae191c479d2 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Movement: The Civil Rights and the Struggle for Social Justice Suggested Bibliography Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Fire In The Streets: America in The 1960's Subject The topic of the resource Radicalism- United States-Case Studies Civil Rights-United States-Case Studies United States-Social Conditions-1960-Case Studies Description An account of the resource The most ambitious account of the disruptive decade yet--which encompasses almost all of the furor & conveys almost none of the excitement. Viorst has opted for a chronological scheme, keyed to salient figures, that both spotlights & questions the decade's events: John Lewis (Sitting In '60); James Farmer (Freedom Riding '61); Tom Hayden (Manifesto Writing '62), Bayard Rustin (Marching to Washington '63); Joseph Rauh Jr. (Organizing Mississippi '64); Clark Kerr (Igniting Berkeley '64); Paul Williams (Exploding Watts '65); Stokely Carmichael (Blackening Power '66); Allard Loewenstein (Dumping Johnson '67); Jerry Rubin (Assaulting Chicago '68) & two unknowns representing the Weathermen ('69) & Kent State ('70). On the plus side, almost every development is somehow fitted in & Viorst does attempt a balanced assessment of such controversial personalities as Rustin, Carmichael & Martin Luther King. (His introductory chapter on 'the other leader of the Montgomery bus boycott, community-organizer--& sleeping car porter--E.D. Nixon, is perhaps his best). On the debit side, he's a pappy, colorless writer with no knack for portraying individuals. His sections on Allen Ginsberg & Jerry Rubin are obtuse & humorless. Seldom do we get a sense of the decade's intense moral concern. But in the absence of a bona fide history of even the civil rights movement, this will do to clue in latecomers & refresh fading memories Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Viorst, Milton Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived https://umw-primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/primo_library/libweb/action/display.do?tabs=detailsTab&ct=display&fn=search&doc=01UMW_ALMA2139189190003326&indx=2&recIds=01UMW_ALMA2139189190003326&recIdxs=1&elementId=1&renderMode=poppedOut&displayMode=full&frbrVersion=&frbg=&&dscnt=0&vl(1UIStartWith0)=contains&scp.scps=scope%3A%2801UMW_ALMA%29%2Cscope%3A%28%2201UMW%22%29%2Cscope%3A%2801UMW_P_UNIT%29%2C01UMW_EbscoLocal%2Cprimo_central_multiple_fe&tb=t&vid=UMW&vl(1220243658UI0)=any&mode=Basic&srt=rank&tab=everything&searchCDI=&dum=true&vl(freeText0)=fire%20in%20the%20streets&dstmp=1587393639483 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available New York : Simon and Schuster Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1979 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Hist 428 Spring 2020 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 591 p. : ill. ; 24 cm. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Still Image Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context HN90.R3 V56 Bibliography Book https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/8db8c14ca548e2b1a3f0a71d5c643a18.jpg dd4767d76e686e689747dfa2671ffe90 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Movement: The Civil Rights and the Struggle for Social Justice Suggested Bibliography Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Freedom Bound: A History of America's Civil Right Movement Subject The topic of the resource African Americans-Civil Rights-History-20th Century Civil Rights Movement-United States-History-20th Century Description An account of the resource In this singe volume, Robert Weisbrot gives a vivid, admirably balanced history of the civil rights movement--from its rise with the Brown decision and the Montgomery bus boycott in the 1950s, through the dramatic sit-ins, freedom rides, marches, and great legislative gains in the 1960s, to its decline in the urban riots, disputes over leadership, and affirmative action in the late 1960s and 1970s. Black-and-white photos. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Weisbrot, Robert Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived https://umw-primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/primo_library/libweb/action/display.do?tabs=detailsTab&ct=display&fn=search&doc=01UMW_ALMA2129324530003326&indx=5&recIds=01UMW_ALMA2129324530003326&recIdxs=4&elementId=4&renderMode=poppedOut&displayMode=full&frbrVersion=2&frbg=&&dscnt=0&vl(1UIStartWith0)=contains&scp.scps=scope%3A%2801UMW_ALMA%29%2Cscope%3A%28%2201UMW%22%29%2Cscope%3A%2801UMW_P_UNIT%29%2C01UMW_EbscoLocal%2Cprimo_central_multiple_fe&tb=t&vl(1220243658UI0)=any&mode=Basic&vid=UMW&tab=everything&srt=rank&searchCDI=&vl(freeText0)=freedom%20bound&dum=true&dstmp=1587393145412 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available New York : Norton Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1990 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Hist 428Spring 2020 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource xv, 350 p. : ill., map ; 24 cm. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Still Image Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context E185.61 .W394 1990 Bibliography Book https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/1569279f9484c2cb65c80e253c647acd.jpg 0d1f4a423f45d24e40fe3112a6ddc117 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Movement: The Civil Rights and the Struggle for Social Justice Suggested Bibliography Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Freedom-When? Subject The topic of the resource Farmer, James, 1920-1999 African American-Civil Rights-History-20th century Description An account of the resource James Farmer, the National Director if Core answers the hard questions facing the civil rights movement. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Farmer, James Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Not available at Simpson Library but is available on <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Freedom-When-james-farmer/dp/B000LF0P8Q">Amazon.</a> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Random House Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1965 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Hist 428 Spring 2020 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 197 p. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Still Image Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ASIN: B000LF0P8Q Bibliography Book https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/76dac12b8179430387541700647516ad.png 7bcb0778587c4a642f97b10b6736727f Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Movement: The Civil Rights and the Struggle for Social Justice Suggested Bibliography Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource From Slavery to Freedom: A History of American Negroes Description An account of the resource From Slavery to Freedom remains the most revered, respected, and honored text on the market. The preeminent history of African Americans, this best-selling text charts the journey of African Americans from their origins in Africa, through slavery in the Western Hemisphere, struggles for freedom in the West Indies, Latin America, and the United States, various migrations, and the continuing quest for racial equality. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Franklin, John Hope Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1964 Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Still Image Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Not available at Simpson Library but is available on <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Slavery-Freedom-History-African-Americans/dp/0375406719">Amazon.</a> Subject The topic of the resource African American-Civil Rights-History-20th century Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Hist 428 Spring 2020 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISBN-13: 978-0375406713 Bibliography Book https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/dc027681e0603736ea03c34b5a8b8ae9.jpg 3a9fa6ff7dcdd6a552320fa9784a7d04 https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/9c709a02088e7acef91e569df4556ebe.jpg 92c6cbea9cc2f225709d02828763ce4f https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/c3bfc7516d3c2daa38d5df2818495387.jpg 44099a6861da20ae5ecedbfdd3c89b81 https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/c987610345272a42625d11adbdfb6612.jpg 5d45aa140ced55f3acd848cffe68c755 https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/2d4f5d16d049371bd22cdbf734f778a2.jpg 680d1bd5d98f565ad99baa67b10c6310 https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/fe2df81f77939cfd458a833486ce1fdb.jpg 22b1f924fcbdef371d9f85e2340ea1fb https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/a9abfdc5c013a690edb0535c9a43bf7a.jpg ec52680336a04af06144b7632b3aa10d https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/9bf9281876cbff89b076a88c0a10ede9.jpg c11779cc31af6105f74669e1ae139a0d https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/886e30bde5f9533af92831c47634c251.jpg ee5006b9bdff2c5379c61f58de28dc77 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dr. Farmer in the Classroom Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document FINAL EXAMINATION Name: Key INTRODUCTION TO CIVIL RIGHTS Dr. James Farmer-------Spring 1993 1. In 1954, the Supreme Court ruled in brown V Board of Education that a. interracial dating was not unconstitutional b. segregation in public schools was unconstitutional c. separate but equal was constitutional d. segregation was constitutional in public but not private schools e. segregation was unconstitutional Correct answer: B 2. Freedom Summer was a 1964 campaign in a. Louisiana b. Georgia c. Mississippi d. Alabama Correct answer:: C 3. As head of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters and as organizer of the planned 1941 March on Washington he was a major black leader although he was head of no civil rights organization in the 1950’s and 1960’s. a. Julian Bond b. Philip Randolph c. Bayard Rustin d. A.J. Muste Correct answer: B 4. All of the following were key figures in the Montgomery bus boycott EXCEPT: a. Rosa Parks d. E.D. Nixon c. John Lewis d. Martin Luther King, Jr. Correct answer: C 5. The Montgomery bus boycott lasted approximately: a. a week b. a month c. a year d. five years Correct answer: C 6. During the years of the civil rights movement, all of the following presidential candidates received a majority of the black vote EXCEPT: a. George McGovern b. Lyndon Johnson c. Richard Nixon d. Hubert Humphrey Correct answer: C 7. Lyndon Johnson: a. was a consistent supporter of black civil rights beginning even before he entered the Congress b. surprised minorities and liberals by the support he gave their cause after he became vice president in 1961. c. was a staunch opponent of civil rights for blacks d. consistently opposed the extension of federal protection to blacks denied their civil rights e. opposed Affirmative Action on principle Correct answer: B 8. The March on Washington planned for July 1941 never occurred because President Roosevelt: a. died and the nation went into mourning b. pushed through Congress a civil rights act outlawing the poll tax and lynching c. signed an executive order prohibiting discrimination in government and defense industries d. refused to permit the protesters to congregate near the Lincoln Memorial Correct answer: C 9. The 1961 Freedom ride ended: a. when Robert Kennedy persuaded the Riders to stop in Montgomery and have a “cooling-off” b. when the Interstate Commerce Commission issued an order banning segregation in interstate bus travel c. when the riders reached New Orleans without arrest d. when James Farmer bailed out of jail in Mississippi Correct answer: B 10. In 1960 the Supreme Court ruled in Boynton v. Virginia that a. segregation in the military was unconstitutional b. desegregation had been completed c. integrated public facilities were not necessary d. interstate bus station restaurants could not be segregated 11. CORE’s and FOR’s 1947 Journey of Reconciliation was a response to: a. the segregation of schools b. the lynching of a black man c. a Supreme Court ruling against segregated seating on interstate buses d. President Truman's failure to get a civil rights package through Congress Correct answer: C 12. The first successful sit-in was against segregation in a Chicago a. bowling alley b. playground c. department store d. restaurant Correct answer: D 13. Which group was the key organizer / director of the Freedom Rides? a. CORE b. NAACP c. SNCC d. SCLC Correct answer: A 14. Major civil rights activities of 1960 began when a group of students from North Carolina A&T: a. formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference b. refused to attend a ceremony honoring a white benefactor c. conducted a sit-in at a Greensboro Woolworth's lunch counter d. organized the Freedom Rides Correct answer: C 15. The 1961 CORE Freedom Ride: a. took place despite a federal court order to stop it b. occurred without any of the expected violence c. desegregated interstate bus travel by filling up the jails of Mississippi d. concluded by reaching the final destination of New Orleans without any of the riders being jailed Correct answer: C 16. Which of the following statements about the Fellowship of Reconciliation is NOT TRUE? a. it had a profound effect on the development of the civil rights movement b. its membership once included James Farmer and Bayard Rustin c. was a pacifist organization d. it sponsored the Southern Student Sit-in Movement in 1960 Correct answer: D 17. Which of the following is in proper chronological order? a. Brown, Freedom Rides, Montgomery bus boycott, March on Washington b. Brown, Montgomery bus boycott, Freedom Rides, March on Washington c. Freedom Rides, Brown, March on Washington, Montgomery bus boycott d. Montgomery bus boycott, March on Washington, Brown, Freedom Rides Correct answer: B 18. Malcolm X's message was the most popular among: a. urban poor blacks b. all economic classes of blacks c. middle-class blacks d. rural blacks Correct answer: A 19. Major factors that led to the Watts Riot did not include: a. police repression c. chronic unemployment c. lack of strong social institutions d. the presence of Malcolm X Correct answer: D 20. Malcolm X: a. prompted black antagonism towards him by consistently advocating black-white cooperation in the civil rights movement b. grew up in the segregated South, which prompted his lifelong interest in civil rights c. advocated a black separatist movement d. was an ineloquent speaker whose message appealed to few blacks Correct answer: C 21. When Malcolm visited Mecca he a. hated whites all the more for defiling the holy city b. had to flee for his life from Palestinian worshipers c. was surprised to see white Muslims worshipping Allah d. vowed never to return to Saudi Arabia Correct answer: C 22. All of the following statements about the 1964 Harlem Riot are true EXCEPT: a. most of the violence was caused by whites who reacted to the blacks’ violence b. it shocked whites into realizing that not all blacks would continue to be long-suffering and non-violent c. it baffled whites who had faith in the police d. its immediate provocation was a case of police brutality Correct answer: A 23. Which of the following civil rights organizations originated the slogan “Black Power”? a. National Urban League b. SCLC c. CORE d. SNCC Correct answer: D 24. Which march did not take place? a. March on Washington b. Selma-to-Montgomery c. Poor People's March D. Macon-to-Atlanta Correct answer: D 25. Martin Luther King, Jr. is famous for saying or writing all of the following except a. “I have a dream” b. “I've seen the promised land” c. “If any man molest you, may Allah bless you” d. “Letter from Birmingham Jail” Correct answer: C 26. The model for CORE’s and King's nonviolent approach was: a. Mahatma Gandhi b. Nat Turner c. Abraham Lincoln d. Sojourner Truth Correct answer: A 27. Which of the following is in the proper order based on when these organizations were founded: a. SNCC, SCLC, CORE, NAACP b. NAACP, CORE, SCLC, SCLC, SNCC c. CORE, SCLC, NAACP, SNCC d. NAACP, SCLC, CORE, SNCC Correct answer: B 28. Who of the following was NOT killed by an assassin? a. Malcolm X b. Roy Wilkins c. Martin Luther King, Jr. d. Medgar Evers Correct answer: B 29. Martin Luther King, Jr’s assassination was followed by: a. national resolve to pass a stronger civil rights act b. calm and mourning by both blacks and whites c. rioting in major many cities d. his posthumous winning of the Nobel Prize for literature Correct answer: C 30. When James Farmer was jailed in Mississippi during the Freedom Rides: a. he wrote “A Letter From Mississippi Jail” b. he and others spent weeks in jail in order to fill up the jails of Mississippi c. he and others jailed were quickly bailed out so that the rides could continue d. he stayed in jail a few days to win media attention and then left to recruit NAACP volunteers Correct answer: B 31. Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney were: a. the southern Governors most opposed to desegregation b. SNCC and black panther leaders during the Black Power era c. CORE workers who were killed in Mississippi in 1964 d. the heads of the NAACP, Urban League, and SCLC during the 1950s Correct answer: C 32. Violence against civil rights protesters included all of the following except: a. the bombing of commercial airliners b. an attempt to lynch farmer in Plaquemine, Louisiana c. the nonfatal shooting of James Meredith d. the bombing of a black church that killed four young girls Correct answer: A 33. George Wallace's “stand in the school door”: a. was the last major southern act of resistance to the civil rights movement b. was a largely symbolic effort to speak for southern opposition's to the integration of the South’s state universities c. was ended when the federal government took over the school d. prompted the Supreme Court to speed its decision in the Brown case Correct answer: B 34. James Meredith is famous for: a. leading the rioters in Watts b. forming SNCC (c.) integrating the University of Mississippi d. negotiating the end of the Montgomery bus boycott Correct answer: C 35. After its nonviolent direct-action successes in the 40s and 50s CORE founded self: a. absorbed by the NAACP b. infiltrated by Communists c. largely unknown by most Americans d. absorbed by The Fellowship of Reconciliation Correct answer: C 36. The Deacons for Defense and Justice a. were a highly-trained elite guard attached to Malcolm X's mosque #7 in Harlem; b. organized the prayer breakfast during the Selma-to-Montgomery march led by Dr. King; c. was another name for the Ku Klux Klan in Alabama during the Freedom Rides; d. were a black self-defense group organized in Louisiana to return the fire when the clan shot into homes of black people. Correct answer: D 37. The Black Panthers were: a. a militant black nationalist organization which hated the police; b. a professional black baseball team in Kansas where Jackie Robinson played before he joined the Brooklyn Dodgers; c. a tennis club founded by Arthur Ashe. Correct answer: A 38. One of the factors which did not bring about the emergence of the Civil Rights Movement of the 50s and 60s was: a. World War II b. Supreme Court Brown Decision c. assassination of Marcus Garvey d. the new nations of Africa Correct answer: C TRUE/FALSE --- Mark (a) for True and (b) for False for the following statements. 39. Eldridge Cleaver was a top assistant to John Lewis and SNCC in the early sixties. (C) 40 Dr. King was in Memphis to support a strike of garbage collectors at the time of his assassination. (T) 41. H. Rapp Brown was a key figure in the Montgomery Bus Boycott in 1956. (F) 42. Thurgood Marshall was national director of CORE before James Farmer. (F) 43. James Meredith was killed after he integrated the University of Mississippi in 1962. (F) 40. The Los Angeles Riots of 1992 came after a black man, Rodney King, was convicted of killing a white policeman. (F) 45. The Freedom Riders’ convictions were upheld in the US Supreme Court. (F) 46. Huey Newton was the founder of an Aryan Supremacy organization in California. (F) 47. Roy Wilkins and Whitney Young refused to participate in the continuation of the Meredith March in Mississippi in 1966. (T) 48. Martin Luther King, Jr., won the Nobel Peace Prize. (T) 49. The 1964 Civil Rights Act prohibited discrimination in hotels and restaurants. (T) 50. The Fellowship of Reconciliation was simply another name for CORE during the 1940s. (False) 51. SNCC was an offshoot of the SCLC. (F) 52. The 1963 peaceful protest in the nation's capital was called the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. (T) 53. John Kennedy appointed James Farmer to his cabinet. (F) 54. We Shall Overcome was borrowed from the women's rights movement. (F) 55. The Black Panther was the symbol of revolutionary black militants. (T) 56. The Jack Sprat coffee shop housed the meetings of CORE during its early years. (F) 57. Marion Barry began his career as National Chairman of SNCC. (T) 58. Despite the success of the 1960 Greensboro sit-ins, sit-ins never caught on as a method of protest during the civil rights movement. 59. James Farmer urged a fill-the-jail strategy in the early 1960s. 60. In 1961, Farmer changed the focus of black protests from restaurant lunch counters to interstate transportation. (T) 61. CORE disappeared as a major force when it was unable to bail its members out of jail during the Freedom Rides. (F) 62. Bull Connor used guns and fire hoses to end the boycott of Atlanta's major department stores. (F) 60. No white civil rights activists were killed in the South during the 60s. (F) 64. As a result of federal laws, the Ku Klux Klan was not a major element of white resistance to the civil rights movement. (F) 65. The Emmett Till case refers to the attempt to pass an anti-lynching bill in Mississippi. (F) 66. H. Rapp Brown succeeded Whitney Young as head of the National Urban League. (F) 67. Kwame Toure was the first president of Ghana. (F) 68. Eldridge Cleaver was a leader of the Black Panthers. (T) 69. Huey Newton was a close associate of Martin Luther King, Jr. (F) 70. Ralph Abernathy broke with Dr. King over strategy in the Poor Peoples March. (T) 71. Martin Luther King, Jr., was one of the founders of the NAACP. (F) 72. “Bloody Sunday” refers to the day the Black Panthers had their first shootout with the Chicago Police. (F) 73. “Freedom Summer” was the summer of 1964 when 1000 volunteers went to Mississippi to do voter registration work. 74. Martin Luther King, Jr., and Malcolm X had two highly publicized debates. 75. The assassin of Dr. King was acquitted of also having killed Malcolm X. (F) 76. CORE did not believe that extensive training and rigorous schooling in the principles of nonviolence were necessary to conduct a successful nonviolent campaign. 77. The Farmer-LBJ relationship deteriorated when Johnson removed Farmer from his position at HEW. (F) 78. Shirley Chisholm was the first black woman appointed to the US Senate since Reconstruction days. (F) 79. Dorothy Height was the founder of SNCC. (F) 80. Hundreds of Freedom Riders including CORE’s National Director, James Farmer, were jailed in the Mississippi State Prison at Parchman Mississippi in 1961. (T) 81. A bus carrying Freedom Riders was burned by a mob in Anniston, Alabama. (T) 82. The Council on United Civil Rights Leadership (CUCRL) was composed of the thirteen original Freedom Riders. (F) 83. Farmer was in jail during the march on Washington. (T) 84. The slogan “black power” was formulated by Malcolm X. (F) 85. A. Philip Randolph was the founder of the Black Muslims. (F) 86. Malcolm X was gunned down in 1965 while leading a Muslim March in Mississippi. (F) 87. Whitney Young was gunned down by assassins in 1965 in Harlem. (F) 88. Affirmative action requires employees and school administrators to consider race is a factor in their selection process. (T) 89. Farmer left the leadership of CORE to head a campaign against adult illiteracy. (T) 92. Farmer’s successor as head of CORE was Roy Ennis. (F) 91. Roy Ennis was assistant executive director of NAACP under Wilkins. (F) 92 Floyd McKissick succeeded Farmer has National Director of CORE. (T) 93. H. Rapp Brown followed Stokely Carmichael as National chairman of SNCC. (T) 94. John Lewis drowned while swimming in the ocean off the coast of Lagos, Nigeria. (F) 95 Reverend James Reeb, a white supporter of Martin Luther King, Jr., was killed in Selma, Alabama. (T) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Introduction to Civil Rights Final Exam Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring 1993 Description An account of the resource This is the answer key to the final exam that students in Dr. Farmer's class took during the Spring Semester of 1993. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. James Farmer Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived James L. Farmer Papers Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Special Collections and University Archives at the University of Mary Washington Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by Special Collections and University Archives, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington. This item is available for use in research, teaching, and private study. Items may not be reproduced or used for any commercial purposes without prior written consent from the University of Mary Washington. Relation A related resource James L. Farmer Papers Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ADHFarmer_1_001 to ADHFarmer_1_009 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Hist 428 Spring 2020 Subject The topic of the resource 1990-99 Farmer, James, 1920-1999 Faculty Department of History and American Studies https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/b7192e5861b5d6030a51f271fc30cbbd.jpeg 68a5221e2c42358a172901f368278ac9 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dr. Farmer Photographs Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Black and white photograph Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource James Farmer and Student Rich Cooper Subject The topic of the resource Farmer, James, 1920-1999 Description An account of the resource Distinguished visiting professor James Farmer and senior political science major Rich Cooper walk past Monroe Hall. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived APN Sunday Illustrations https://umw.access.preservica.com/IO_4ae70fb2-823e-487f-bea7-5e0618ae5032/ Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Special Collections and University Archives at the University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1990-05-20 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Hist 428 Spring 2020 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by AP News Features. This image may only be reproduced with the permission and consent of the rights holder. Relation A related resource The James L. Farmer Digital Collection Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPeg Type The nature or genre of the resource Still Image Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context UMW_2718 James Farmer Monroe Hall https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/16929ad663a6d724be53c92c52d06d8d.jpeg 685a220c2774b18345246d24fba1af36 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dr. Farmer Photographs Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Black and white image Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource James Farmer at Graduation Subject The topic of the resource 1990-99 Farmer, James, 1920-1999 Faculty Department of History and American Studies Commencement Description An account of the resource Dean Phil Hall and a colleague with James Farmer at MWC's 1997 commencement. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Fitzgerald, Barry Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived https://umw.access.preservica.com/IO_02d92168-2594-4a56-9592-11532838c6c5/ Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Special Collections and University Archives at the University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1997-05-17 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Hist 428 Spring 2020 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by Special Collections and University Archives, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington. This item is available for use in research, teaching, and private study. Items may not be reproduced or used for any commercial purposes without prior written consent from the University of Mary Washington. Relation A related resource The James L. Farmer Collection Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Black and white photograph Type The nature or genre of the resource Still Image Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context UMW_1180 Academic Events Commencement James Farmer https://farmer.umwhistory.org/files/original/48227c40bdc4a3bd12414ed590907bf0.jpeg e5d64f59f1a83b4f9a3ed4ec11c06ecd Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dr. Farmer Photographs Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Black and white photograph Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource James Farmer In His Office Subject The topic of the resource Farmer, James, 1920-1999 Faculty Department of History and American Studies 1980-89 Description An account of the resource James Farmer, a distinguished history professor, poses for a photograph at his desk. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Cordero, Lou Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived https://umw.access.preservica.com/IO_b96b2975-a7d4-42c8-bb8a-7fc75b8a6e7a/ Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Special Collections and University Archives at the University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1988-11 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Hist 428 Spring 2020 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright is retained by Lou Cordero. This item is available for use in research, teaching, and private study. Relation A related resource The James L. Farmer Collection Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Black and white photograph Type The nature or genre of the resource Still Image Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context UMW_52 Faculty History Department James Farmer